The Foreign Service Journal, January-February 2020

40 JANUARY-FEBRUARY 2020 | THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL strengthen Britain’s relationship with the European Union and to reinforce the U.K.’s role as a bridge between the United States and Europe. Blair’s reputation at home was seriously damaged as the war unfolded; for some, it never recovered. Being the “smaller partner” can occasionally have its frustra- tions, too, including when assumptions are made about U.K. support for a particular course of action or consultation is left to the last minute. But the frustrations are not one-sided. When David Cameron asked the British Parliament to back airstrikes in Syria in 2013 and lost the vote, Barack Obama had little choice but to go to Congress with the same question. With the memories of the Iraq War still fresh in the minds of people on both sides of the Atlantic, it soon became clear there was little public support for renewed military action in the Middle East despite President Bashar al-Assad having brutally used chemical weapons on his own people. The West blinked, with consequences we are still feeling today. In most cases the “special relationship” gives the U.K. unique access to U.S. decision-making and the ability to influence American thinking as policy options are developed. It’s a privi- leged position that most other U.S. allies would love to emulate, whatever their posturing about the U.K. being a “poodle” of Washington, D.C. New Trials It’s fair to say that the last three years have been difficult for many British and American diplomats, as developments at home—and around the world—put new pressure on the relation- ship and the trans-Atlantic alliance. The United States has been on a political rollercoaster since 2016, with many Americans fearing the country they love could be about to hurtle off the rails with profound consequences for the future. At the same time, the U.K. has been grappling with its own seemingly unending political crisis, with Brexit likely to infect British politics for years to come. Both countries are facing increasing division among their diverse communities, with populists trying to capitalize on understandable frustrations over the growing gulf between rich and poor and uncertainty about the future. It’s an anxious time. But this period of political uncertainty just reinforces the case for British and American diplomats to work together. We know the West’s enemies are actively seeking to destabilize our countries by interfering in our elections and weaponizing social media to amplify divisions in society and increase distrust in our institutions. These same enemies will also seek quickly to exploit any weakening of the trans-Atlantic alliance on the back of the populist-driven inwardness of America First or Britain “taking back control.” Our alliance has secured peace in the West for more than 70 years, fostered huge economic progress and helped to spread democracy to many countries that had fallen under the yoke of Soviet communism after World War II; this should not be put at risk. We must double down on working together to defend ourselves from these threats, including by finding a way to regulate the social media giants who are doing untold damage to our democracies. Diplomats, like all public servants, must always be guided in their work by the priorities of their political leaders—that is how our democracies work. In the current political climate, this has meant we have sometimes diverged from long-held positions and been put at odds with traditional allies, which has been uncomfortable and unsettling. Public servants on both sides of the Atlantic have also found themselves under personal attack from politicians and the media simply for doing their job. Some have had little choice but to resign. These attacks have been unprecedented and shocking. Not long ago, they would have been almost unthinkable in Western democracies. But away from the spotlight, in the day-to-day work of diplomacy, there is still much we can do to underpin the values and beliefs we hold dear—those of freedom, democracy and human rights—even when there is a fire burning in our own backyard. With enduring poverty in many parts of the world, growing regional tensions in the Middle East and North Asia and the exis- tential threat from climate change, there are plenty of problems needing solutions. Only by working together can we hope to con- tinue to shape the future direction of world events and bolster the liberal world order. The dedication, integrity and impartiality of our diplo- mats are more important than ever if we are to tackle these problems. Indeed, they are arguably essential if we are to get through these unsettling times intact. I have no doubt that the best of diplomats on both sides of the Atlantic are up for the challenge. n A wider sharing of best practice and supporting each other was a key part of my experience of working with U.S. diplomats throughout my career.