The Foreign Service Journal, January 2009

32 F O R E I G N S E R V I C E J O U R N A L / J A N U A R Y 2 0 0 9 In his second inaugural address (January 2005), Pres. Bush prom- ised “to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.” His administration claimed its military actions in Iraq and Afghanistan had liberated more than 50 million peo- ple from authoritarian rule, open- ing the way for free and fair elections. And in her first months as Secretary of State in 2005, Condoleezza Rice spoke frequently about the obligation “we on the right side of freedom’s divide” have to help those living under nondemocratic rule. The administration’s second-term freedom agenda ini- tially rode a wave of momentum. The so-called “colored revolutions” in Georgia (Rose) in 2003 and Ukraine (Or- ange) in 2004 had already brought to power pro-U.S. governments from the former Soviet sphere seen as com- mitted to fighting corruption. Lebanon’s 2005 Cedar Revolution led to the ouster of Syrian troops and prom- ised greater freedoms for that country. Even Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak relented under U.S. pressure and held multiparty elections that year. But by 2006, the wave had crested, leaving the Bush administration on the defensive against criticism that it was too bombastic, inconsistent and hypocritical in pro- moting its freedom agenda. A series of setbacks, espe- cially in the Middle East, cast a negative light on the administration’s pro-democracy emphasis, notably the victory of Hamas forces in Palestinian elections held in January 2006. U.S. officials had endorsed the elections, only to withhold recognition of the resulting Hamas-led government because of its refusal to renounce terrorism. The administration also eased up on its pressure for democratic reforms in Egypt following the strong show- ing of the Muslim Brotherhood in parliamentary elec- tions in late 2005. As for Iran, while the administration was able to squeeze the regime financially for its refusal to suspend its uranium enrichment program, its democracy promotion efforts fell flat. Compounding these difficul- ties, the Bush administration was promoting the rule of law and transparency at the very time it was holding hundreds of foreign detainees at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, without trial, and facing ac- cusations of abuses of prisoners in Iraq and elsewhere. To critics, the administration’s emphasis on democra- tization antagonized U.S. allies, made false promises to local civil society actors and undermined Washington’s credibility. For supporters, it was a catalyst for economic and political progress that triggered a dialogue in the Middle East and elsewhere about freedom and govern- ance issues — one that will continue under Bush’s suc- cessors. The challenge for President-elect Barack Obama is whether to carry on policies seen as both flawed and essential, yet closely tied to the unpopular Bush administration. A Bipartisan Mission Since 1983 Presidential administrations dating back to World War II have supported policies aimed at spreading democ- racy, seeing in them the seeds for a more stable world built on a foundation of shared values. Modern-day de- mocratization efforts can be traced to 1983, when Presi- dent Ronald Reagan created the National Endowment for Democracy. In a speech the year before to the British Parliament signaling this initiative, Reagan said a Western policy dedicated to the spread of freedom and democ- racy would help crush Marxism-Leninism. He stressed bipartisanship and the need to engage all sectors of the country in promoting democracy: “The objective I propose is quite simple to state: to foster the infrastructure of democracy, the system of a free press, unions, political parties [and] universities, which allows a people to choose their own way to develop their own culture, to reconcile their own differences through peaceful means.” To carry through Reagan’s vision, four core grantees re- ceived most of NED’s funding. They included organiza- tions dedicated to nurturing democratic political systems, such as the National Democratic Institute (affiliated with F O C U S Presidential administrations dating back to World War II have supported policies aimed at spreading democracy. Robert McMahon is deputy editor of CFR.org, the Web site of the Council on Foreign Relations, and is a former news director for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, where he supervised coverage of expanding human rights and de- mocratization efforts in the former Soviet Union.