The Foreign Service Journal, May 2018

THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL | MAY 2018 37 is nonpartisan, aiming to strengthen the ability of parties and politicians to effectively represent their constituents regardless of ideology. Unlike European political foundations, which mostly work with “sister parties” that share their ideological orientation, USAID works with all significant democratic political parties. In Washington, D.C., USAID officers coordinate assistance with colleagues at the State Department and at the interagency level, as well as deploying to support USAID missions. Along with colleagues from State’s Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations and the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, we help embassies with Election Day observation and donor coordination. Finally, we provide topical training, publi- cations and tools to our DRG colleagues in the field. Questions to Consider When Offering Assistance USAID’s electoral assistance has not run perfectly over the last few decades. There have been a number of hiccups and lessons learned along the way. In some cases technocratic solutions inadequately address deeply political issues; assistance is offered to political parties whose dedication to internal reform has been mostly rhetorical; or peace messages do not reflect sufficient research into needs and audiences. Moreover, although elections and electoral assistance by themselves cannot be expected to guarantee democratic development, elections remain the only means to a legitimate democratic government. So the question is not whether to assist with elections, but rather, what kind of elec- tion support is needed. It is essential, at the same time, to manage expectations about what such assistance can deliver. During 2017, elections varied widely across the globe: from highly competitive to predictable, from peaceful to violent, from credible to some that made for incredible stories. We still use qualitative terms to describe elections, such as “free and fair,” “credible,” “legitimate,” “inclusive,” “peaceful,” etc., and there is no single international standard for democratic elections. But there is an emerging global consensus around a set of standards rooted in universal human rights and codified in public interna- tional law. Many of these standards include basic civil and politi- cal freedoms, such as freedom of peaceful assembly, association and expression; the right to life; and the underlying concept of rule of law. Promoting those standards and principles through programming is at the core of USAID’s electoral assistance. In 2018 more than 60 national elections will take place in coun- tries where USAID could provide assistance, excluding potential snap elections or unexpected political crises. In Africa alone, there will be some 20 national elections; data shows that one in five elections on the continent are at risk of violence that leads to loss of life. Given limited resources and staff, which elections should we focus on? Elections that may trigger violent conflict, or elec- tions where peaceful competition could lead to positive changes? Elections in small countries that badly need assistance, or elec- tions in countries that are considered a foreign policy priority and thus have significant resources? Should we assist with the conduct of local elections that are often neglected and yet directly affect the average citizen, or focus on high-profile national elections? We also need to decide how best to plan and design election assistance for all relevant domestic stakeholders, and how to conduct policy analysis and needs assessments in coordination with other U.S. agencies and international donors. We need to design, procure and manage programs; monitor and trouble- shoot on Election Day; and address challenges during the post- election period. The Electoral Cycle Approach Election Day steals the headlines, and assistance funding and staffing spike around that time; but as the excitement fades, embassies, USAID missions and partner nongovernmental orga- nizations (NGOs) on the ground continue to carry out electoral assistance and prepare for the next election. This long-term assistance does not produce headlines. It often includes activities that do not sound terribly exciting: legal analysis and organizational assessments, training, workshops, surveys, voter registration drives and advocacy campaigns. And yet, since the early 2000s this long-term, electoral cycle approach has been embraced by the international community and become the norm among election practitioners, who know that improve- ment of the process is best achieved between elections. When it comes to peace, the electoral cycle approach is the only viable conflict mitigation approach because it covers the period before, during and after an election. For example, in more When it comes to peace, the electoral cycle approach is the only viable conflict mitigation approach because it covers the period before, during and after an election.