The Foreign Service Journal, July-August 2021

THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL | JULY-AUGUST 2021 27 In 2018, attrition rates for reasons other than retirement or death were slightly lower for minorities than for whites, and equal for men and women. As the HIV/AIDS epidemic took hold in the United States in the 1980s, gay men and women across the country became more politically active. The organizing efforts of two State Department Foreign Service officers, David Buss and Bryan Dalton, led to the formation of Gays and Lesbians in Foreign Affairs Agencies (now known as glifaa) in 1992. According to the archived history on glifaa’s website, the group’s efforts “led to reform of the security clearance policy … as well as increased visibility of gay and lesbian issues in foreign affairs agencies.” The Foreign Service Act of 1980, like the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978, required “fair and equitable treatment” for all employees and candidates “without regard to political affilia- tion, race, color, religion, national origin, sex, marital status, age or handicapping condition.” In 1994 Secretary of State Warren Christopher built on those provisions to prohibit discrimina- tion in the State Department on the basis of sexual orientation. President Bill Clinton extended that protection to all federal civilian employees by executive order in 1998. Secretaries Madeleine Albright (1997-2001) and Hillary Clinton (2009-2013) extended to same-sex partners of State Department employ- ees serving abroad the same benefits provided to opposite-sex partners, and Secretary Clinton took steps to prohibit discrimi- nation against employees and job applicants on the basis of gender identity. By the turn of the millennium, conditions for LGBTQ employees had clearly improved. Today, the nomination of gay men and women to positions requiring Senate confirmation attracts little notice. A Special Moment Diversity in the workforce can be quantified and measured, but inclusion cannot. Many minority members of the Foreign Service, even some with years of service and great professional achievements, feel undervalued and disrespected—not fully accepted and included. Some who came into the Service through the Pickering and Rangel fellowship programs conceal that fact, for fear that their colleagues will treat them as back- door entrants, not real FSOs—yet they have proved themselves twice, first just by getting into these highly competitive pro- grams, then again by passing both the Foreign Service officer test and oral assessment, as all must do within five years. Some with minority backgrounds have to contend with not-so-funny jokes based on stereotypes fashioned by whites. Women may be denigrated in subtle and unsubtle ways: “The department does not do a good job with issues like racism and sexual harassment,” said a female public diplomacy officer. “When it’s a senior guy doing the harassing, you don’t get treated fairly.” There is widespread expectation that after the depredations of the past four years, the Biden administration will under- take a major rebuild at the Department of State. Proposals for reform have come from Harvard’s Belfer Center, the Council on Foreign Relations, the American Academy of Diplomacy, and any number of columnists and op-ed writers. Ambassador (ret.) Linda Thomas-Greenfield and Representative Joaquin Castro (D-Texas), among others, have called for new legislation to replace the 1980 Foreign Service Act, though without indicating what new authorities might be sought or requirements imposed. Every proposal addresses in some way the issues of diversity and inclusion. Surely the administration will need to take these ques- tions on. In April, Secretary of State Antony Blinken appointed the first-ever chief diversity and inclusion officer, Ambassador (ret.) Gina Abercrombie-Winstanley. Shifting attitudes across American society have opened pos- sibilities that did not exist before. Adam Serwer, a clear-eyed observer of racial politics, wrote in last October’s Atlantic : “There has never been an anti-racist majority in American his- tory; there may be one today. … [I]n these moments, great strides toward the unfulfilled promises of the founding are possible.” In the January/February 2021 Foreign Service Journal , the Association of Black American Ambassadors put forward spe- cific recommendations for action to improve diversity, equity and inclusion at State and USAID, with an appeal for “clear and visible support from the highest levels.” The president and the Secretary of State face excruciating demands on their time. Those who want to see broad changes in the Foreign Service are right to call for their support, but should not count on their sustained attention; reformers also need to consult and mobilize support from below. Without pressure from employees at all levels in the Department of State and other foreign affairs agencies, this moment, too, could slip away. n