PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE ASSOCIATION NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 Keeping Elections Fair In Their Own Write Preserving the FS Experience Adulting 101 for Teens
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4 NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 | THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL November-December 2026 Volume 103, No. 6 ON THE COVER: Art by Maria Carluccio/Theispot. FOCUS ON FOREIGN SERVICE AUTHORS 33 In Their Own Write Books by members of the Foreign Service community. 42 Of Related Interest Recent books of interest to the foreign affairs community. COVER STORIES 22 What to Know About International Election Observation By Doug Wake 27 Beware the Trolls: How Bad Actors on the Internet Influence Elections By Karl Stoltz
THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL | NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 5 FEATURE 54 Only What You Can Fit in Your Lap By John Dunlop FS HERITAGE 58 Building A Constituency for U.S. Diplomacy By Fran Leskovar EDUCATION SUPPLEMENT 75 Adulting 101: What FS Teens Need to Know—and How to Teach It to Them By Lauren M. Steed 80 Education at a Glance DEPARTMENTS 10 Letters 12 Talking Points 87 In Memory 94 Books 61 AFSA Awards Recipients 62 State VP Voice— This Is Not Normal 63 U SAID Representative Voice— The World Still Needs Us 64 R etiree VP Voice—Neither Fish Nor Fowl, but Not Toast 65 End-of-Year Advocacy Update 66 Meet the 2026 AFSA Essay Contest Winner 67 P opsicles with Dink 67 AFSA Opens Its Doors 68 C hanges to Discipline, RIFs, Assignments 69 Facing Discipline? AFSA Is Here to Help 70 AFSA Governing Board Meetings, July 15 and August 19, 2026 70 2027 AFSA Governing Board Elections Are Coming 71 AFSA Webinar—What Comes Next for Foreign Assistance? 71 AFSA Webinar— Beyond the Numbers 72 S trong Fiscal Stewardship in FY 2025 72 M ark Matthews Joins FSJ Editorial Board 73 A FSA Hits a Home Run at Nationals Park 73 A FSA Autumn in Chautauqua 74 Foreign Service Departures for 2025–2026 74 Missing Your FSJ? AFSA NEWS THE OFFICIAL RECORD OF AFSA PERSPECTIVES 7 President’s Views On the Shoulders of Giants By John “Dink” Dinkelman 9 Letter from the Deputy Editor Books, Elections, and More By Donna Scaramastra Gorman 18 Speaking Out Democracy Has No Finish Line: Lessons from Nicaragua By Lynn Northcutt Vega 100 Reflections Lucien Horowitz and the 500 Lei Banknote By Jonathan B. Rickert 102 Local Lens Bergen, Norway By Nikki Gamer 102 MARKETPLACE 97 Real Estate 99 Classifieds 99 Index to Advertisers
THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL | NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 7 On the Shoulders of Giants BY JOHN “DINK” DINKELMAN John Dinkelman is the president of the American Foreign Service Association. PRESIDENT’S VIEWS I took advantage of a muggy day in August to pay a visit to one of the most influential people in AFSA’s history. It was a day I’ll never forget. Most of us who have spent a while in the Foreign Service—and certainly everyone who works for AFSA—have heard of Ambassador Tom Boyatt. Back in 1959, he joined the Foreign Service, after a three-year stint in the U.S. Air Force. He quickly developed a reputation as a smart, charismatic officer—an excellent diplomat who wasn’t afraid to stand up for his beliefs and never backed down from a fight for what was right. Boyatt is perhaps most well known for his heroism on a plane that got hijacked in 1969. He helped injured passengers to safety before the plane was blown up, and then he negotiated their release. For his actions during those six long days when he and the other passengers were held captive, he received numerous awards and commendations. During his diplomatic career, he was also the recipient of AFSA’s prestigious awards for constructive dissent (twice) and the 2008 Lifetime Contributions to American Diplomacy Award. But I wasn’t driving hours into Virginia horse country to hear about his past. I wanted to talk to Amb. Boyatt about the future: AFSA’s future. You see, he was instrumental in the fight, back in the early 1970s, to turn AFSA into a union. We’d spent 50 years as a professional association when a group of reform-minded FSOs branded the “Young Turks” led the fight to create a union system independent of State management. Not yet an ambassador (he wouldn’t earn that title until 1978), Boyatt led the charge to develop what he later called a “friendly but adversarial labor-management relationship.” When the new union finally fought its way into existence, he found himself at the helm. As the current leader of AFSA, I set out to meet him hoping he might explain the “friendly but adversarial” piece of the puzzle. Sadly, since I took on the role of AFSA president, there has been a whole lot of “adversarial” but not too much “friendly.” And so I wondered: Had his fight for AFSA felt just as hard as ours does today? And did he ever lose hope? Amb. Boyatt graciously spent the better part of an afternoon with me, talking about the union he had helped build— the one you and I are working to uphold during these turbulent times. He told me that back then, times were tough, as not everyone in the State Department wanted this fledgling union to succeed. But knowing they were on the right side of the fight gave him and his colleagues the strength to keep pushing. It was, however, a different time. As he noted, back then the two sides were always respectful of each other, even when they disagreed. But, he told me gravely, “you do not have that luxury.” Amb. Boyatt understands that we’re in the fight for our lives right now. He reminded me that AFSA has been through challenging times in the past and made it through by pushing for what we know is right. And that is exactly what we’ll do. Thanks to courageous leaders like Tom Boyatt, on whose shoulders we continue to stand, and to loyal members like you, AFSA will continue to fight for the Foreign Service. We’re not going anywhere. n John Dinkelman (left), Maxine Boyatt, and Ambassador Tom Boyatt on the steps of Morris Tavern, August 2026. COURTESY OF JOHN DINKELMAN When perusing this issue, make sure you take the time to read AFSA VP Ro Nepal’s column on page 62. It is by far the best encapsulation of the state of the Foreign Service I have seen during my term in office. The loss of expertise from the departure of Ro, and hundreds of experienced skilled professionals like him, will take years, if not decades, to recoup. —J.D.
8 NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 | THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL Editor in Chief, Director of Publications Shawn Dorman: dorman@afsa.org Deputy Editor Donna Gorman: gorman@afsa.org Senior Editor Susan Brady Maitra: maitra@afsa.org Managing Editor Kathryn Owens: owens@afsa.org Associate Editor Mark Parkhomenko: parkhomenko@afsa.org Business Development Manager— Advertising and Circulation Molly Long: long@afsa.org Art Director Caryn Suko Smith Editorial Board Lynette Behnke, Co-Chair Hon. Jennifer Z. Galt, Co-Chair hannah draper, Gov. Bd. Liaison Kelly Adams-Smith Ben East Mathew Hagengruber Steven Hendrix Mark Matthews Katherine Ntiamoah Peter Reams Lisa Nuch Venbrux THE MAGAZINE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS PROFESSIONALS The Foreign Service Journal (ISSN 0146-3543), 2101 E Street NW, Washington, D.C. 20037-2990 is published bimonthly by the American Foreign Service Association (AFSA), a private, nonprofit organization. Material appearing herein represents the opinions of the writers and does not necessarily represent the views of the Journal, the Editorial Board, or AFSA. Writer queries and submissions are invited, preferably by email. The Journal is not responsible for unsolicited manuscripts, photos, or illustrations. Advertising inquiries are invited. All advertising is subject to the publisher’s approval. AFSA reserves the right to reject advertising that is not in keeping with its standards and objectives. The appearance of advertisements herein does not imply endorsement of goods or services offered. Opinions expressed in advertisements are the views of the advertisers and do not necessarily represent AFSA views or policy. Journal subscription: AFSA member–$20, included in annual dues; student–$30; others–$50; Single issue–$4.50. For foreign surface mail, add $18 per year; foreign airmail, $36 per year. Periodical postage paid at Washington, D.C., and at additional mailing offices. Indexed by the Public Affairs Information Services (PAIS). Email: journal@afsa.org Phone: (202) 338-4045 Fax: (202) 338-8244 Web: www.afsa.org/fsj Address Changes: member@afsa.org © American Foreign Service Association, 2026 PRINTED IN THE USA Postmaster: Send address changes to AFSA, Attn: Address Change 2101 E Street NW Washington DC 20037-2990 GOVERNING BOARD President John Dinkelman: dinkelman@afsa.org Secretary Sue Saarnio: saarnio@afsa.org Treasurer John K. Naland: naland@afsa.org State Vice President Rohit Nepal: nepal@afsa.org USAID Vice President Randy Chester: chester@afsa.org FCS Vice President Jay Carreiro: jay.carreiro@afsa.org FAS Vice President Vacant Retiree Vice President Hon. John O’Keefe: okeefe@afsa.org Full-Time State Representative Vacant State Representatives hannah draper: draper@afsa.org Donald Emerick: emerick@afsa.org Connor Ferry-Smith: ferry-smith@afsa. org Christina Higgins: higgins@afsa.org Stephanie Straface: straface@afsa.org USAID Representative Austan Mogharabi: mogharabi@afsa.org FCS Alternate Representative Joshua Burke: burke@afsa.org FAS Alternate Representative Vacant USAGM Representative Mariama D. Crandall: crandall@afsa.org APHIS Representative Joe Ragole: ragole@afsa.org Retiree Representatives Hon. Michael Kirby: kirby@afsa.org Julie Nutter: nutter@afsa.org STAFF Executive Director Ásgeir Sigfússon: sigfusson@afsa.org Executive Assistant to the President Jahari Fraser: fraser@afsa.org Office Coordinator Therese Thomas: therese@afsa.org PROFESSIONAL POLICY ISSUES AND ADVOCACY Director of Professional Policy Issues Lisa Heller: heller@afsa.org Director of Advocacy Kim Sullivan: sullivan@afsa.org Advocacy and Policy Manager Sean O’Gorman: ogorman@afsa.org FINANCE AND ADMINISTRATION Director, HR and Operations Cory Nishi: cnishi@afsa.org Controller Kalpna Srimal: srimal@afsa.org Member Accounts Specialist Ana Lopez: lopez@afsa.org IT and Infrastructure Coordinator Aleksandar “Pav” Pavlovich: pavlovich@afsa.org COMMUNICATIONS AND OUTREACH Director of Communications and Outreach Nikki Gamer: gamer@afsa.org Deputy Director of Communications and Outreach Nadja Ruzica: ruzica@afsa.org Online Communications Manager Jeff Lau: lau@afsa.org Communications and Marketing Manager Hannah Harari: harari@afsa.org MEMBERSHIP Director, Programs and Member Engagement Christine Miele: miele@afsa.org Membership Operations Coordinator Mouna Koubaa: koubaa@afsa.org Counselor for Retirees and Alumni Brian Himmelsteib: himmelsteib@afsa.org Manager, Membership and Events Glenn Stanton: stanton@afsa.org Program Coordinator Indigo Stegner: stegner@afsa.org OFFICE OF THE GENERAL COUNSEL General Counsel Raeka Safai: safai@afsa.org Deputy General Counsel Neera Parikh: parikh@afsa.org Senior Staff Attorney Zlatana Badrich: badrich@afsa.org Labor Management Coordinator Patrick Bradley: bradley@afsa.org Senior Grievance Counselor Heather Townsend: townsend@afsa.org Grievance Counselors Ed White: white@afsa.org Brian Himmelsteib: himmelsteib@afsa.org Attorney Adviser Erin Kate Brady: brady@afsa.org Labor Management Counselor Colleen Fallon-Lenaghan: colleen@afsa.org FOREIGN SERVICE CONTACTS www.afsa.org
THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL | NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 9 Donna Scaramastra Gorman is the deputy editor of The Foreign Service Journal. LETTER FROM THE DEPUTY EDITOR Every year it seems more and more FS members are putting their thoughts down on the page and bringing forth books. Books, Elections, and More BY DONNA SCARAMASTRA GORMAN Before becoming an editor at AFSA, I was a writer. I wrote a blog, back when blogs were a thing. I wrote articles for the Journal but also for other publications. I wrote press releases and reports for the U.S. government as a Foreign Service family member at various posts overseas. And at some point, I decided, why not write a book? I can now report: Writing a book is painful, even for someone who considers herself a “writer.” And even once the book is written, you still have to edit it. A lot. And get others to review and edit it. And get it published. And market it. And read the reviews (though I cannot recommend enough to my fellow writers that they not read the reviews). For the past three years, I’ve been the lead editor for the annual In Their Own Write (ITOW) edition, the roundup of books by Foreign Service members. In that time I’ve read, skimmed, and flipped through a lot of books—like, a lot. Every year it seems more and more FS members are putting their thoughts down on the page and doing the hard work of bringing forth books. They share those books with us—and then we share them with you. I’m continually impressed with the depth and breadth of our collection, and this year is no exception. In the mix are memoirs (I love the memoirs!), fiction (ditto), textbooks, books on leadership, self-help guides, and more. Seriously, there’s something here for everybody, so peruse the guide and consider buying a few of the most interesting for yourself or your friends. You’ll also find books “of related interest”—books written by outside experts on topics of interest to the foreign affairs community. But wait, there’s more! Everybody in Washington, D.C., is talking about the upcoming midterm elections, so we decided it was a good time to pull together a mini focus on monitoring elections from the diplomacy perspective. With that in mind, we asked retired Senior FSO and seasoned overseas election observer Doug Wake to share what he knows about ensuring fair and transparent elections, while retired Senior FSO Karl Stoltz tells us how the Global Engagement Center—his final Foreign Service assignment in a 38-year FS career—served as a check on global disinformation. Still not enough? For our semiannual education supplement, college consultant and FS family member Lauren Steed is back with “Adulting 101,” a guide for parents who are getting ready to send their kids out into the world on their own and want to make sure those kids are ready to meet the challenge. (Apparently our children no longer need to know how to balance a checkbook using those tiny paper registers—but they do still need to understand how money works!) Plus all the sections you expect to see in your FSJ: a Reflection on post- revolution Bucharest; an FS Heritage piece on the legacy of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training at 40, especially its oral history program; and a new feature from USAID’s John Dunlop on the January 2025 evacuation from DR Congo, which unfolded exactly at the same frightening time as USAID was being illegally dismantled in Washington. And do not miss the coverage and the VP Voices in AFSA News. Now that you’re inspired by all your author colleagues, think about writing and submitting something yourself to the FSJ. We always welcome topical stories related to diplomacy: opinion pieces, reflections, book reviews, letters, and more. To write for us, visit https://afsa.org/ fsj-author-guidelines. And reach out to us with comments, pitches, or questions anytime at journal@afsa.org. n
10 NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 | THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL Why Cultural Diplomacy Still Matters In 2027 the Lois Roth Foundation marks a milestone both humbling and energizing: our 40th anniversary. The foundation was established to honor my stepmother, Lois Roth, a Foreign Service officer and cultural attaché who knew that cultural exchange is central, not peripheral, to diplomacy. Steadily, over four decades, we have focused on a small portfolio of programs to support and further U.S. educational and cultural relations—the Richard T. Arndt Prize for an outstanding work on cultural diplomacy being the most recent. Following recent public diplomacy modernization efforts, it is striking that the title of cultural attaché is no longer used at the State Department, with this role now called “public engagement officer.” We believe something real was lost in that transition. The Roth Foundation’s continued use of the term “cultural diplomacy” is intentional and significant. It signals that the realm of scholarship, the arts, and ideas— what many call soft power—remains a quintessential instrument of diplomacy. The world Lois navigated looked different from today’s. But her core commitment to the importance of people-to-people exchanges has only grown more compelling. Fueled by a conviction that transcends politics, Congress continues to fund exchange programs such as the flagship Fulbright Program. The Roth Foundation, too, remains dedicated to supporting international exchanges through our project support grants. In addition, we fund awards that honor cultural diplomacy practitioners, both U.S. and international; an annual Fulbright distinguished lecture; and cross-cultural literature and translation projects. We are not alone in this. Increasingly, states, cities, and citizens are leading the way in cultural dialogue and exchange. California’s strong presence at recent COP conferences is one vivid example. The Fulbright network, spanning more than 160 countries and decades of relationships, is another—a living infrastructure that has stood the test of time. Sister city relationships, university partnerships, and grassroots cultural exchanges are quietly keeping lines of communication open. The legacy of Lois Roth lives on in the everyday people who embody her belief that building bridges of international understanding is always worth the effort. As the foundation marks its 40th anniversary, we invite the foreign affairs community to nominate someone for our Citizen’s Award for Cultural Diplomacy and help us carry the legacy forward. This award honors significant achievement on the part of an ordinary citizen engaged in building cultural bridges across borders. Forty years on, we remain as convinced as ever that people-to-people ties are where diplomacy begins, and where it endures. Skyler J. Arndt-Briggs Chair, Lois Roth Foundation Reston, Virginia Courage in Kinshasa I was pleased to read Lynette Behnke’s thoughtful review of The Elements of Power, my book on lithium, cobalt, and the dirty mining supply chain for battery minerals, in the September- October FSJ. I’d like to respond to one omission Behnke highlighted: She pointed out that my statement that some hybrid vehicles were less polluting than Tesla cars was not footnoted. Mea culpa: I had, however, footnoted it in the book’s introduction, where it first appears (the reference points to pieces in The Washington Post and the French daily Ouest-France, although I also ran my own analysis to check the numbers). It was fascinating to learn as I researched my book that the emissions involved in the making of electric cars, and especially in the building of their batteries, means that when they roll off the factory floor, their production has sadly released much more carbon dioxide into the atmosphere than has a hybrid’s. In the U.S. and Europe, a Tesla only catches up in terms of emissions with hybrids after about six years. In China, where electricity comes from coal, that timeline is much longer. On another point, though Behnke mentions it in passing in her review, I want to highlight the courageous work of the State Department Foreign Service officials who helped free me from secret Lois Roth in New York City in the 1950s. COURTESY LOIS ROTH FOUNDATION LETTERS
THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL | NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 11 police detention in Kinshasa in 2022. I owe them a great deal. I was detained for six days on flimsy espionage charges in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It seems that some reporting I had done got under the skin of the Congolese mining elite and their friends in the intelligence services. I was not mistreated exactly but given minimal food by my captors, who moved me from Lubumbashi to Kinshasa and denied that they were holding me. I was held incommunicado, but managed to pass two notes to travelers on the plane upon which I was transferred. They dropped the notes with the U.S. embassy in Kinshasa, and officials there sprang to action. The U.S. Embassy Kinshasa staff were amazing and brought me food and reassurance from home. I remember almost bursting into tears when I was ushered into the plushly carpeted office of the head of the intelligence services, and there, sitting on a gilded sofa, was a professional but enormously reassuring young FS officer from Montana. She was unflappable in the face of the (rather gremlin-like) intelligence chief. And she and other U.S. embassy staff members helped guide me through the process of my release. If you’re reading this, Claire and Carol, thank you infinitely. I have enjoyed your publication when I have come across it in embassies, at the State Department, and in other places, and am now a new subscriber. Nicolas Niarchos New York, New York Politics of Scarcity I loved AFSA State VP Rohit Nepal’s September-October FSJ column, “We’re All in This Together.” It’s so important and timely. The Foreign Service has always been plagued by unnecessary, outdated hierarchies and divisions. It would serve all our missions and us to, as he says, “refuse to accept this false politics of scarcity” and not allow ourselves to be pitted against one another. Anonymous active-duty State FSO Washington, D.C. Abolishing USAID Affects U.S. Businesses While America focused on USAID not being able to feed starving babies or provide health care, those of us in the business world saw terminated welfare payments for U.S. farmers’ crops and for U.S. industries that produced goods like Caterpillar tractors or provided consultant, educational, and institution- building services. Under USAID, traditional aid dollars all stayed home while goods and services flowed out worldwide. In 2025 Elon Musk’s DOGE blew into D.C. like the 1982 Grace Commission on steroids, canceling or completely abolishing critical government functions. Few of Musk’s minions understand our government’s role as the hidden economic backbone: like subsidized corn for ethanol; milk and meat stabilization for price control; or tariffs/import restrictions to protect our native production of peanuts, sugar, cotton, or other crops, cars, and motorcycles. Much of America’s flourishing economy has depended on hidden government welfare and protections in most sectors. USAID played an important role in funding U.S. agriculture and health research and development. Anonymous retired USAID FSO n PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE ASSOCIATION SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER 2026 A WORLD WITHOUT USAID
12 NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 | THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL TALKING POINTS Visa Processing in Africa Reduced to 20 Hubs Effective August 1, the State Department ended routine visa services at 25 diplomatic posts across Africa, shifting nonimmigrant and immigrant visa processing to 20 designated regional hubs. The department said no embassies or consulates are closing as a result of the realignment, and that American citizen services (ACS) will continue at all affected posts. Applicants who had scheduled appointments at posts losing routine services were directed to rebook at their designated hub before July 31 or forfeit any visa fees already paid. Existing valid visas are unaffected by the change. Plans for Mass Visa Revocation In late August, the State Department announced it was preparing to revoke the business and tourism visas of up to 200,000 foreigners who have applied for or are currently seeking asylum in the United States, according to Associated Press reporting. If carried out, it would be the largest single mass revocation of visas in U.S. history, and it would likely draw legal challenges. The department would target B-1 and B-2 visas, generally issued for business trips, tourism, family visits, or medical care, issued between 2016 and 2026 to holders who have sought or are now seeking asylum. State Department spokesperson Tommy Pigott said the department is “coordinating with DHS to identify and revoke the nonimmigrant visas of foreigners who have come to the United States claiming to be short-term visitors, but then file for asylum to stay here permanently.” In a statement to the BBC, Pigott added that obtaining a visa “in order to seek asylum is fraud,” which he said is grounds for revocation. On social media, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau cited the case of a Colombian national who entered the United States on a tourist visa in 2015 and later applied for asylum; the same case has separately drawn attention because that applicant, an activist who opposed a Trump-backed candidate in Colombia’s election, was deported in July. Officials said the revocations would not necessarily trigger immediate deportation; most pending asylum cases would instead be recategorized, with holders losing their status as business or tourism travelers. Applicants for B-1 and B-2 visas are asked to affirm that they do not intend to seek asylum and plan to return to their home countries. According to State Department data cited by the BBC, Brazil received more than 1.1 million B-1 and B-2 visas in 2024, the most of any country, followed by mainland China, India, and Pakistan. Just over 32,300 were issued to visitors from the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland that year. The move follows a series of legal setbacks for the administration’s broader The Deep End State By Brian Aggeler
THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL | NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 13 The fault lines in our world are widening. The cracks have become canyons. … Power is being reshaped in fundamental ways. First, among states, new centers of economic, political and technological influences have emerged. Second, we are witnessing an extraordinary transfer of power away from governments to a handful of private corporations and individuals. … And third, humans are increasingly handing power to machines with artificial agents going rogue and lethal autonomous weapons going from science fiction to military reality. Yet our institutions and systems of governance continue to reflect the power realities and interests of a largely bygone era. That is the defining challenge before us. —UN Secretary-General António Guterres at the UN General Assembly on September 22. Contemporary Quote visa agenda. The New York Times reported that a federal judge in New York, Jeannette Vargas, struck down the administration’s effort to halt visa issuance to applicants from 75 countries, ruling that Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s stated rationale had no legal basis. A separate judge ruled in June against a similar halt affecting 39 countries. The department has also paused visa interviews worldwide while consular officers complete training on a new “public charge” screening standard, under which officers would deny visas to applicants likely to rely on public assistance. The action follows a broader pattern of tightened visa restrictions under the current administration, including expanded social media screening, new bonding requirements, and country- specific visa bans. The department has revoked roughly 175,000 visas over the past 18 months for individuals convicted or accused of crimes, or for public criticism of U.S. policy. VOA to Resume Ukrainian-Language Broadcasting Voice of America management announced plans in August to resume Ukrainian-language broadcasting and restore some Ukrainian Service staff to work. VOA Ukrainian Service Director Ruslan Petrychka, who remained on administrative leave in August and could not discuss details of the decision, called the move important “especially now, when Russia is cynically shelling Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities every day.” VOA operates under the U.S. Agency for Global Media, which was targeted for downsizing under an executive order President Donald Trump signed in March 2025. Broadcasting was suspended for the first time since the outlet’s 1942 founding, but a federal judge ordered operations restored the following month, after which VOA resumed broadcasting in Farsi, Pashto, Dari, and Mandarin. An appeals court later paused that ruling, but Congress agreed in January 2026 to provide roughly $653 million in funding for USAGM. In March 2026, a federal judge found that former USAGM head Kari Lake’s leadership had violated federal law and ordered more than 1,000 employees reinstated. Prior to 2025, VOA had broadcast in 49 languages. Canadian Petition to Expel U.S. Ambassador A Canadian House of Commons petition calling for the removal of U.S. Ambassador to Canada Pete Hoekstra drew more than 243,000 signatures as of late September, far surpassing the 500 required for parliamentary consideration. The nonbinding petition accuses Hoekstra of undermining U.S.-Canada relations, citing his characterization of Canada’s 2025 federal election as “anti-American” and his framing of President Donald Trump’s “51st state” rhetoric as a “term of endearment.” It also alleges diplomatic overreach, pointing to Hoekstra’s ties to a Michigan- based voter identification app used by an Alberta separatist group and to repeated meetings between State Department officials and an Alberta secessionist organization, both of which Hoekstra has said he knew nothing about. The petition calls on the Canadian government to declare Hoekstra persona non grata and request his removal, to raise his conduct with Washington under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, and to direct a parliamentary committee to examine U.S. interference in Canadian domestic affairs. Nominations Update The confirmation of ambassadors and senior foreign affairs officials has continued at an uneven pace since AFSA’s last update in May. The Senate approved an additional tranche of ambassadorial nominations during the summer. On August 7, the Senate confirmed ambassadors to 14 posts, including those Talking Points offers a snapshot of recent developments affecting the Foreign Service. The items in this edition were finalized for publication on September 22, 2026.
14 NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 | THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL for Albania, Australia, Belize, Brazil, Cyprus, The Gambia, and Norway. At the same time, several additional ambassadorial nominations remained pending before the Senate, including Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, El Salvador, Indonesia, Lithuania, Paraguay, and Trinidad and Tobago. There has been some encouraging movement on career appointments. While no career Foreign Service officer had received an ambassadorial nomination earlier in the year, career members of the Foreign Service were nominated during the summer for chief of mission roles in Benin, Chad, Gabon, Kenya, the Kyrgyz Republic, Madagascar and Comoros, Malawi, Malaysia, Mauritania, Nicaragua, Sierra Leone, Togo, and Tonga. These nominations represent a welcome, if overdue, recognition of the Foreign Service’s professional cadre. The Senate also made progress on senior department leadership positions. In August, following the spring confirmations of several assistant secretaries, it confirmed leaders for the bureaus of Intelligence and Research, Western Hemisphere Affairs, European and Eurasian Affairs, Near Eastern Affairs, Legislative Affairs, and Political-Military Affairs. In a surprise, there was excellent news in late July when the Senate confirmed more than 560 Foreign Service promotions and tenures. AFSA welcomes such swift action on these important lists. In late September, AFSA was tracking 98 vacancies among the 196 positions included in its Ambassador Tracker, a slight improvement from the 109 vacancies reported in May but still an extraordinarily high number almost two years into the administration. The vacancy rate continues to reflect the unprecedented recall of at least 32 career ambassadors since the beginning of 2026 and the slow pace of nominations and confirmations that followed. Although the administration has recently begun nominating some career
THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL | NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 15 It is not easy always ... for an American to live and to work abroad—in a time when our motives are frequently distrusted and misunderstood, when our best-meant actions are condemned, and when even our national honesty is so unjustly attacked. It is in such times that we must show ourselves calm and considered. —George S. Messersmith, consul general, Antwerp, Thanksgiving Day address, November 26, 1925, in the November 1926 edition of the American Foreign Service Journal. Podcast of the Month: America at 250: Due Diligence The appearance of a particular site or podcast is for information only and does not constitute an endorsement. A new, limited-run radio show and podcast launched in June with a stated goal of examining important constitutional issues in historical context while avoiding the divisive tone common to political talk radio. America @ 250: Due Diligence is co-hosted by Steven L. Herman, executive director of the Jordan Center for Journalism Advocacy and Innovation at the University of Mississippi, a former VOA White House bureau chief, and AFSA Governing Board representative, and Bill Bernardoni, an Illinois-based radio producer and former campaign manager and political consultant. The weekly, hour-long program features guests from across the political spectrum and airs on roughly 50 AM and FM stations. A weekly extended version is available on podcast platforms. The program runs through the end of the nation’s semiquincentennial year. Serving Abroad 100 Years Ago Foreign Service officers to ambassadorial positions, political nominees continue to dominate the overall picture. AFSA remains concerned that the balance between career and political appointments is inconsistent with both the spirit and intent of the Foreign Service Act of 1980, which states that “positions as chief of mission should normally be accorded to career members of the Service, though circumstances will warrant appointments from time to time of qualified individuals who are not career members of the Service.” As quoted in an August 6 Washington Post story, AFSA President John Dinkelman said of the lopsided focus on political appointees: “There’s a place for the benefactor on the hospital board. The problem comes when the benefactors outnumber the surgeons in the operating room.” AFSA will continue to monitor nominations, confirmations, vacancies, and the career-versus-political ratio as the administration’s ambassadorial appointments proceed. State Department Releases 2026-2030 Strategic Plan The State Department has released its Agency Strategic Plan for Fiscal Years 2026-2030, laying out six overarching goals under Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s “America First” framework. The document, dated to the current administration’s second term, replaces the department’s prior strategic planning approach with one centered on sovereignty, hemispheric primacy, and economic leverage. In his foreword, Rubio writes that the plan marks a “rapid return to a pragmatic diplomacy” after what he calls 35 years of a bipartisan consensus that elevated multilateralism and the rules-based order above U.S. national interests. Rubio argues that domestic strength must come first and frames border security and reindustrialization as prerequisites for a “powerful global presence” abroad. The plan’s six goals range widely. Goal 1, U.S. National Sovereignty, commits the department to tightened visa and immigration screening, expanded use of the “public charge” ineligibility standard, and pushback against international bodies, including a reduced U.S. role at the United Nations and opposition to its 2030 Agenda and Sustainable Development Goals. Goal 2 introduces what the document calls the “Donroe Doctrine,” an expansion of the 1823 Monroe Doctrine aimed at countering and reversing competitors’ influence in the Western Hemisphere, strengthening strategic partnerships therein, and suppressing narco-terrorist gangs and cartels, which the plan designates foreign terrorist organizations.
16 NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 | THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL On the FS Modernization Act I rise today in support of HR 9086, the Foreign Service Modernization Act, as amended. As vice ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I was proud to work alongside my colleagues on both sides of the aisle on this important legislation, which will help equip our diplomats at the State Department with the skills and knowledge they need to advance U.S. interests and values around the world. In the midst of the world’s most challenging crises, our nation’s diplomats get up every morning and risk their lives on behalf of the American people. They are often the unsung heroes in our national security workforce. The core of their mission is preventing the worst-case scenario from unfolding, a mission that comes with little recognition or medals, whether in a war zone, humanitarian crisis, or emergency evacuation. American citizens rely on the expertise and determination of these public servants to ensure they remain safe, represented, and, if needed, supported in navigating challenges abroad and returning home safely. That is why I’m pleased that this legislation was the result of bipartisan work and serious engagement with stakeholders, including the American Foreign Service Association, American Academy of Diplomacy, retired diplomats, and other experts. —Rep. Gabe Amo (D-R.I.) during House floor proceedings on September 16. “Insults to Our Intelligence” In defense of the aid cuts, Elon Musk claimed “zero” people in Africa died. Secretary Rubio likewise claimed “no one has died,” claiming that lifesaving aid and programs would be maintained or replaced. But these statements are lies, and they are insults to our intelligence. Available government data shows large reductions in spending from 2024 to 2025: a 48 percent cut to global health programs, a 39 percent cut to the Food for Peace Program, a 65 percent cut in development assistance, and a 21 percent cut to international disaster assistance. —Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.) in a House floor special order on restoring USAID, September 2. Modernizing the Foreign Service I’m proud of the collaborative work in drafting the Foreign Service Modernization Act. ... By improving training opportunities for U.S. Foreign Service officers in critical minerals, artificial intelligence, and other emerging technologies, we will better prepare them with tools to navigate some of the most consequential national security and economic matters of this century. I was also glad to see my provisions to ensure the department’s commitment to the Pickering, Rangel, Payne, and Veterans Innovation Partnership Fellowships included, so that these programs can continue to bring talented new diplomats into the State Department. Though this bill included several key provisions, it could have been a stronger package had Republicans not rejected several Democratic measures, including to give Congress important oversight into the reduction-in-force orders from July 2025 and to create a clear pathway for former USAID Foreign Service officers to continue their service in the department. —Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.), ranking member, House Foreign Affairs Committee, statement on passage of the Foreign Service Modernization Act, September 16. JOSH Heard on the Hill Goal 3 addresses the Indo-Pacific, prioritizing supply-chain security, critical-minerals deals, and a “favorable military balance” against China, while still calling for open communication with Beijing. Goal 4 turns to Europe, framing NATO allies’ defense spending as a test of continued U.S. commitment, and describes the relationship in explicitly civilizational terms, tying it to shared “faith and values” and opposition to mass migration. Goals 5 and 6 focus on economic policy. The former sets out an aggressive reindustrialization agenda across sectors from semiconductors to shipbuilding, a 40 percent punitive tariff on countries facilitating transshipment, and controlled export of U.S. artificial intelligence technology to “trusted partners” only. The latter formalizes the dissolution of USAID and directs foreign assistance toward two categories—lifesaving aid and strategic investment—with a target of directing at least 40 percent of the assistance budget to the Western Hemi-
THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL | NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 17 sphere and East Asia, up sharply from the 10–15 percent USAID spent there in 2024. U.S. Pressure Campaign in Brazil In the weeks before Brazil’s October presidential election, U.S. pressure on the government of leftist incumbent Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva drew accusations of election interference from Brazilian officials and observers. Lula’s opponent, far-right senator Flávio Bolsonaro, is the son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, who is serving a 27-year sentence for plotting a military coup after his 2022 election loss. President Trump and Secretary Rubio faced accusations of tilting the contest toward Bolsonaro through economic and diplomatic pressure on Lula’s government, according to The Guardian. That pressure included 25 percent tariffs on most Brazilian imports and, in August, the designation of two of Brazil’s largest criminal organizations as foreign terrorist groups—a move that some observers argued was timed to help Bolsonaro politically, though the designation’s defenders called it a necessary crime-fighting measure. In July, Brazil denied visas to U.S. officials it believed intended to raise doubts about its voting system, prompting Lula to allege election interference. The U.S. responded by revoking the visa of Brazil’s ambassador to Washington. The Guardian drew a parallel to covert CIA efforts to influence Brazilian politics in the early 1960s, noting that unlike that campaign, this one was waged openly. The State Department rejected the comparison as a “base- less lie.” n This issue of Talking Points was compiled by Mark Parkhomenko.
18 NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 | THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL SPEAKING OUT Lynn Northcutt Vega served as a career Foreign Service officer with USAID in Nicaragua, Honduras, Jamaica, Colombia, and Moldova. Since retiring in early 2024, she has been the representative of the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma in Washington, D.C. She currently co-chairs a well-known discussion group on Latin America and the Caribbean in Washington, D.C., and is an occasional editorial writer for the Sun Sentinel and the Orlando Sentinel, sister newspapers in Florida. W hen I arrived at the USAID mission in Nicaragua in 1991, I believed I was witnessing the beginning of a lasting democratic transformation. Thirty-five years later, after watching much of what Nicaraguans and the international community worked so hard to build completely unravel, I have come to question what we understood, and what we missed, about building a democracy that could endure. These questions have particular relevance today in many countries, including the United States, and a close examination of those defining moments in Nicaragua’s history might help us grapple with our own future and the future of the many countries in which we work to promote democratic values. Democratic Statecraft Comes to Nicaragua Violeta Chamorro had defeated Daniel Ortega in the historic 1990 election, ending a decade of Sandinista rule. Nicaragua had been devastated by revolution, civil war, economic collapse, and deep political divisions. With Chamorro’s victory, there was now a palpable sense of possibility and tremendous optimism. Nicaraguans who had fled the country were returning home, determined to rebuild their country. They were joined by diplomats, development professionals, economists, governance specialists, humanitarian workers, and public administration experts from countries around the world, the Organization of American States, the United Nations, international financial institutions, and countless nongovernmental organizations. We understood that an election alone did not create a democracy. All of us worked with our Nicaraguan counterparts to strengthen the National Assembly and courts, professionalize public administration, improve local governments, support civil society, and increase transparency. But democratic development extended far beyond national institutions. Because democracies also depend on educated and healthy citizens who have economic opportunities and confidence that government can respond to their needs, we built it in both directions—from national institutions downward and communities upward. So we trained mayors and city council members to govern more effectively and respond to their constituents. We helped civic organizations learn how to identify community needs, advocate for them, and hold the new government accountable. This expanded to schools, universities, health systems, and businesses. Democratic statecraft in its broadest sense was being exercised. Realizing a Shared Future I remember visiting a cooperative of widows in the mountains of Jinotega. Their husbands had died fighting on opposite sides of the war. Instead of remaining divided, they came together to rebuild their lives and communities. This kind of reconciliation among people who had decided that their shared future ultimately mattered more builds democracy at its most basic level. Democratic transitions are ultimately about relationships. Constitutions can establish rules and elections can transfer power, but societies emerging from conflict must also rebuild trust. Another memory takes me to the Río Coco, where we traveled by canoe to deliver new Azul y Blanco textbooks to isolated schools. With U.S. government support, Nicaragua had developed these textbooks and trained teachers to use them. Instead of being filled with revolutionary slogans and images of rifles, machine guns, and grenades, the books helped young children count with fruit and other everyday objects, and their lessons emphasized family, cooperation, respect, and citizenship. It was clear we weren’t merely replacing textbooks. We were investing in the successor generation of citizens. Democracy Has No Finish Line: Lessons from Nicaragua BY LYNN NORTHCUTT VEGA
THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL | NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2026 19 Weathering a Storm That Didn’t Pass Seven years after this work began, in 1998, Hurricane Mitch struck. The storm devastated much of Central America. In Nicaragua, torrential rains triggered the catastrophic collapse of part of Volcán Casita, burying entire communities and killing thousands. In the immediate aftermath, I traveled there with colleagues. I remember standing silently on hardened mud, children’s toys, shoes, scraps of clothing, and other remnants of ordinary lives scattered across it. For years, we worked in those communities, and now the people we had known and the clinics and cooperatives we had supported were gone. We knew we had to begin again. And we did. The international community and our Nicaraguan counterparts redoubled our efforts. Roads, bridges, schools, clinics, homes, and water systems were rebuilt. We continued investing in education, local government, public institutions, civil society, health, and economic opportunity. This seemed at the time to be another sign of the country’s democratic resilience. But now I believe we misunderstood where Nicaragua was in its democratic journey. Yes, we had strengthened institutions, and the laws and policies intended to make them function. We had trained public servants, teachers, judges, local officials, and community leaders. Even ordinary citizens had learned to advocate for their communities and demand accountability. Those accomplishments were genuine and should not be diminished simply because we know what happened later. But, at some point, we began to act as Ortega’s long game reminds me of Fidel Castro’s in Cuba, where he consolidated political power over decades, building a system that could endure changing circumstances and shifting international pressures. Today, Nicaragua too has returned to authoritarian rule. Independent media and civil society have been severely restricted. Political opponents have been imprisoned or forced into exile. Institutions that once offered hope of democratic consolidation have come under government control. This is not a criticism or even the fault of the dedicated professionals who worked in Nicaragua or of the programs themselves. I remain enormously proud to have been part of that effort. But democratic consolidation does not follow a project calendar. Building a court is one thing; maintaining a bench of judges committed to its independence is another. Passing an electoral law can be difficult; developing a political culture in which candidates accept losing elections is much harder. Training mayors and council members is important; continuing to elect local leaders who regard public office as a public trust is even more so. Democracy extends across generations. Children have to learn it. Communities Speaking Out is the Journal’s opinion forum, a place for lively discussion of issues affecting the U.S. Foreign Service and American diplomacy. The views expressed are those of the author; their publication here does not imply endorsement by the American Foreign Service Association. Responses are welcome; send them to journal@afsa.org. though much of the democratic transition was complete, believing that Nicaragua had reached an actual milestone. That milestone, though, was artificial: Funding declined. The crowds of international experts thinned. Experienced advisers rotated to other assignments. Governments and international organizations confronted new crises elsewhere. That is typical in foreign affairs and development. Resources are finite. Priorities change. Foreign Service officers rotate. Projects close. But perhaps we allowed the rhythms of our own institutions to shape the way we understood Nicaragua’s democratic development. We measured progress in stats: in three- and five-year strategies, project evaluations, laws passed, institutions strengthened, people trained, and programs successfully completed. Playing the Long Game History uses a different measure. It asks whether institutions, and the people entrusted with them, remain independent and resilient 10, 20, or 30 years later. Daniel Ortega understood this. After losing power, he did not abandon his political ambitions. Over the years, he was able to place loyalists in the very institutions intended to provide checks on political power: the Supreme Court, the Supreme Electoral Council, the National Assembly, and other parts of the state. He did not need to abolish those institutions. They remained—but their independence gradually disappeared. This is where the contrast in time horizons becomes particularly important. Ortega pursued a consistent political strategy across decades. Meanwhile, U.S. administrations changed, congressional majorities shifted, foreign policy priorities evolved, and funding and international attention rose and fell.
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