The Foreign Service Journal, December 2008

assignments and administrative structures. Many issues are on the table including incumbents in key jobs, per- sonnel policies, communications strategies, budget man- agement and the secretariat’s relations with the U.N. General Assembly, to name but a few. Washington could help by working patiently with a broad group of nations to improve the secretariat’s operations — an essential ingre- dient in strengthening U.N. performance. New International Bodies? It is not clear that exist- ing international institutions will be able to cope with globalization’s growing effects on human security and on member-states. Will there be large gaps in the ability of nations and existing U.N. bodies to monitor and adapt cooperatively to climate change after the Copenhagen meeting in December 2009? Are existing international facilities adequate to respond quickly to natural disasters and pandemics? Do we have a global structure that can channel national concerns about terrorism into interna- tional cooperation? Likewise, rapidly growing illicit trade — from drugs and intellectual property to human trafficking — may lend itself to new approaches and perhaps institutions. And, as more nations want nuclear power, does the IAEA role need to be expanded? Or must we establish a new international verification and inspection body designed to work with new nuclear-power states? The head of the IAEA has already proposed a new agency to deal with global energy strategies. Long-Term Objectives: International Cooperation and the U.N. A new U.S. president will have to convince the American people and Congress that this new cooperative approach is essential for U.S. interests, for our role in the world and for re-establishing the United States as the go- to country for leadership. Presidential speeches, informal remarks and messages to Congress and the American people should all emphasize the importance of working with other governments and the United Nations. The fol- lowing outline describes the steps needed to imbed a new cooperative approach into the American worldview. Rule of Law. A new administration can work with the Senate on ratification of dozens of treaties and interna- tional agreements that have been neglected or abandoned by recent administrations. Many of these reflect core American values, or were originally proposed by the U.S., such as the Law of the Sea Treaty, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, the Convention on All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Rome Statute on the International Criminal Court, the Treaty to Ban Landmines and many more. In all, there are nearly two dozen pending agreements dealing with everything from arms control to human rights that the Senate has been unable or unwilling to ratify. The U.S. should also reaffirm its commitment to the Geneva Conventions and other conventions providing consular access. The new administration should send an official observer to the International Criminal Court with a view toward eventual ratification of the Rome Treaty and full participation. Our disregard of laws and treaty commitments has dis- tressed not only our friends but even our adversaries. In announcing that the U.S. is reinvigorating its commitment to the rule of law at home and abroad, a new administra- tion will send a powerful signal of change. Global Issues. Our country has been slow to recog- nize the terrible consequences of climate change, the potential devastation from pandemics without public health cooperation and the importance of U.S. leadership in the struggle against the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Americans are primed for a new vision, one that recognizes the futility of U.S. efforts to go it alone. In negotiating on these issues, we must “give to get” — a long-established principle in diplomacy and human behavior. Most of the serious problems we face today cut across borders. Indeed, some of the biggest threats to humankind do not come from nations but from natural disasters and nongovernmental actors. The post–World War II leadership of the U.S. and Europe creatively and effectively built new structures for international security cooperation. Today there is an urgent need for a new type of international cooperation, led by the United States, to address the global issues that go far beyond the old “national security” agenda and include the survival of our civilization. Recognizing Other Agendas. It is an open secret at the U.N. that the U.S. and Europe see it primarily as a place to resolve global security issues: terrorism, failed and rogue states, and regional conflicts. Yet most mem- ber-states are more concerned about development issues: education, poverty, food shortages, trade equity and dis- ease. An American public commitment to the broader F O C U S D E C E M B E R 2 0 0 8 / F O R E I G N S E R V I C E J O U R N A L 19